Sunday, February 16, 2014

Identities and Nationalism

       Benedict Anderson's article "Western Nationalism and Eastern Nationalism: Is There a Difference that Matters?” she takes a look at nationalism now and then as well as Western vs. Eastern. There’s this idea according to Anderson that an Asian form of nationalism is still very much so common and it has roots going back more than a century. This idea’s origins come from racist European imperialism, which felt that East is East and West is West, meaning that they were not only very different but they would also never meet or intertwine due to their differences (2001: 31). Some of the oldest nationalism in Asia are in fact older than many of those in Europe and Europe Overseas. In fact several countries in their origins were very similar to other countries in which they have very little in common with each other, such as the Philippines and Cuba, they are both in the Northern Hemisphere but are classified as East and West (2001: 32).


          One of the most predominant points mentioned in the article is how often the world changes and how over time the notion of East and West has varied substantially from how people viewed it a century ago to how they view it in modern times. Another important question that we need to ask ourselves is who decides where east and west begin and end, is there a science behind this decision making process or is it arbitrary since it changes so much over time (2001: 32). Can countries within the same time zone be the limitations of East and West, or must they be in the same Hemisphere for this decision to be made, an example of this is Lima and Los Angeles both in the same time zone could they both be regarded as the Far West. Centuries ago migration wasn’t look at as an issue however now there are massive amounts of population migrations taking place within the supposedly fixed boundaries of Europe and Asia allowing people to leave their home countries and settle in others, bringing their values and beliefs along with them (2001: 32).


        These migration flows will most likely continue and perhaps even accelerate over the years, since even though some countries have stricter laws and regulations in most countries immigrants make up its demographic profile and they’re essential to the countries development and prosperity. What comes out of these migrations, what new identities are being or will be produced, these questions are hugely complex and large unanswerable questions because these migrations are still so new, in past decades very few people would migrate outside of their own country less so continent (2001: 33). Anderson goes on to discuss the concept of Creole Nationalism, which is the earliest form of nationalism, arose out of the vast expansion of overseas empires, which were often very far away. She goes on to talk about linguistic nationalism, which has its philosophical origins in the theories of Herder and Rousseau, who’s “underlying belief was that each true nation was marked off by its own peculiar language and literary culture, which together expressed that people’s historical genius” (2001: 40). In the end there are multiple forms of nationalism each, which has roots within the others, there seems to be no distinct nationalism because they all have similarities even though they may be predominantly Western or Eastern.

Image Source:
Albert Einstein: http://thefabweb.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/t6gAx-900x506.png
Migration Flow: http://www.leeds.ac.uk/strikingwomen/skin/images/map_large.jpg

References:
Anderson, Benedict. 2001. “Western Nationalism and Eastern Nationalism.” New Left Review 9: 31-42.

Monday, February 10, 2014

Experiences of Being a 'Native'


            In Keelung Hong’s article “Experiences of Being a ‘Native’: Observing Anthropology” he talks about growing up in Taiwan when it was then a Japanese colony and then the experience of it becoming a Chinese colony. He makes reference to Native Americans and their experience during the time of residential schooling in Canada, looking at how classmates were turned into spies and would turn on them if they dare speak their native language and not acculturate to speaking Chinese (1994:6). They were striped of not only their language but also of their identity, cities and villages were renamed, punishments were enforced if someone dare spoke their native language even simply to pronounce a friends name or their own name. The Chinese people who took over Taiwan ensured that there would be no remnants of Taiwanese society when they were done, acculturation was in full force and it became important that people learned to obey by the new laws (1994:6).

 
For most Taiwanese people the only means of having a better life is to leave Taiwan in order to get away from the oppressive Chinese oligarchy, in the case of Keelung it meant immigrating to the United States once he had completed his mandatory military service. Once he began his study in the United States he was able to get a hold of ethnographies written about Taiwanese villages, much to his surprise the ethnographies although written about Taiwan were actually looking at ‘traditional Chinese culture’, most ethnographers did not actually look at Taiwanese culture but rather would go to Taiwan in order to study what they felt was Chinese culture (1994:7). Keelung explains that one of the reasons behind most ethnographers going to do fieldwork in Taiwan about Chinese culture was because China was closed to researchers, however, when research became available in China most of them flocked to China in order to have a large study population. One of the main points in his article is about Margery Wolf’s research, which he calls into question because he feels like a lot of her research was romantized and wasn’t accurately portrayed (1994:7).



Keelung Hong’s view of Taiwan is quite interesting because unlike ethnographies, which give an outsiders first hand experience of a culture, he is able to give outsiders a real look and feel for what Taiwan culture rather then Taiwan culture through the Chinese cultural scope. Hong’s outlook made me as an anthropology student reconsider all of the ethnographies I have read over the course of my schooling, it makes me think perhaps how skewed what I’ve read really is and how those cultures must feel when they read such things. The notion that perhaps not all ethnographies accurately portray the society properly brings up the issue of how as a reader we’re supposed to know if the information being presented to us is correct and actually factual regarding the society.

 

Image Sources:


References:
Hong, K. 1994. “Experiences of being a ‘native’: observing anthropology”. Anthropology today. 10 (3): 6-9.

Friday, February 7, 2014

Chinese Family Firm


            The article written by Susan Greenhalgh “De-Orientalizing the Chinese Family Firm”, she talks about family businesses and how family is involved in these businesses. She did her field research based on a historical study on 25 Taiwanese-run, manufacturing-based businesses; her primary focus was from the late 1970’s. The majority of the information Greenhalgh gathered came from a series of lengthy and intensive interviews conducted with the entrepreneurs and members of their families (1994: 752). The 25 businesses looked at were from a wide range of size classes; there were five sizes, microenterprises (1-19 workers), small in scale (20-99), medium sized (100-499), large (500-999), and finally very large (1,000 or more employees). Within these 25 businesses Greenhalgh looked at how families were involved and how many were involved depending on their different sizes (1994: 752). In the article table 1 shows how many family members worked within the different companies on average though it was found that each business employed 5.0 family members however it was found that the smaller the business the larger the family work force. The numbers diminished significantly between micro and small-scale businesses from 6.1 to 4.3 in very large businesses, most businesses was also predominantly male oriented, very few women worked in the businesses it went from 2.6 in micro and small-scale to 0.9 in very large businesses (1994: 753).



 


            Greenhalgh goes on in her article to describe how there were many gender differences were apparent in the conditions and rewards in the family business, virtually all male kin would work full-time whereas only one out of two female kin worked on a part-time basis. The majority of men received salaries whereas among the females in the businesses only unmarried daughters and married women working on the production line regularly received monetary compensation and even with this most of the men would work on a full-time basis whereas for married women their work was like an extension of their reproductive activities, part-time and uncompensated labor (1994:754).



After reading this I found it quite disturbing how female workers were treated and even more so since the majority of these working women had kinship ties to the businesses how they received little to no compensation for the work they put it. This article seems highly inaccurate in the portrayal of how female family workers are treated mainly I think because she only looked at 25 family run businesses which isn’t really enough to be able to do any kind of accurate research surrounding the topic. I hope that since this research and field work was conducted that things have changed for females working within the family business because there is no equality in their treatment regarding pay and work conditions.

Image Source:

References:
Greenhalgh, S. (1994). De-orientalizing the chinese family firm. American ethnologist, 21(4), 746-775. doi: 10.1525/ae.1994.21.4.02a00050